The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
The Strategic Review for Southern Africa is an internationally accredited and peer-reviewed periodical of the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria. The Strategic Review is listed as an accredited journal in South Africa and on the IBSS (international) list of accredited journals. All submissions are peer-reviewed by at least two members of the Editorial Committee and/or external reviewers. Articles published in the Strategic Review qualify for a subsidy from the South African Department of Higher Education and Training. The journal has traditionally been published biannually in print, with issues during May/June and November/December of each year. This publication schedule will be maintained, but to enhance access the journal will henceforth also allow open access, through its posting on the website of the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria. We invite manuscripts on subjects related to the wider scope of the journal.
In this section, the Ocean Regions Team in the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria offers short reviews of four books covering aspects related to ocean politics.
Copyright (c) 2025 The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
The Maritime Question on the Kenya–Somali Border
Globally, there are increasing concerns regarding maritime conflicts arising from competition over resources and territorial claims. These conflicts continue to derail efforts for regional integration and the implementation of maritime security strategies aimed at addressing escalating maritime security threats, including human trafficking, arms smuggling, terrorism, organised crime and piracy. Using a case study of the Kenya–Somalia border contestation over the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), this article discusses the genesis of the Kenya–Somalia maritime question. It views the maritime issue as a product of colonial construct. The qualitative study considers the Kenya–Somalia border dispute from two perspectives; firstly, the dispute is a maritime security risk that threatens to worsen the already precarious and vulnerable security situation in the region. Secondly, the dispute is caused by both countries’ efforts to protect their territorial integrity and preserve economic resources, including hydrocarbons found in the disputed area. The findings acknowledged that the decision by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to integrate the equidistance principle into the delimitation of the contested boundary was effective, given that it embraced the principle of equal access and that no reliable evidence exists to ascertain earlier agreements of demarcation, since existing maritime agreements provided by Kenya were not binding. The article concludes by acknowledging the need for both parties to comply with the ICJ ruling and other international frameworks guiding maritime issues, and the need for both Kenya and Somalia to embrace good neighbourly policies. This article recommends that neither country engages in retaliatory actions, but should instead engage in joint security operations and joint public diplomacy on the necessity of maritime security, sign binding maritime security cooperation agreements, and strengthen their economic and diplomatic interactions, including trade and cultural exchanges.
Navigating Stormy Waters: Kenya’s Maritime Threats and the Balancing Act of External and Domestic Responses
This article investigates contemporary threats in Kenya’s maritime spaces, the institutional response to these maritime threats, and an assessment of Kenya’s maritime security strategy. Persistent external domination of the Western Indian Ocean region, maritime terrorism, piracy, illegal unregulated and unreported (IUU) fishing, illicit trade and maritime territorial disputes continue to pose threats to Kenya’s maritime spaces. Although there is a legal framework in response to the threats, different agencies have no clear strategies on maritime affairs. The situation is compounded by a coordination problem between concerned agencies and tensions between the national government and the coastal counties over the legitimacy of intragovernmental maritime assignments. The study recommends that policymakers should reflect critically on maritime domain awareness with the aim of reducing seablindness, thereby enhancing Kenya’s sea power and ability to effectively exploit maritime wealth in the quest for a national maritime security strategy.
Seychelles and Mauritius as Pioneers: The Case for a Refined Conceptualisation of Small State Foreign Policy
In traditional small state literature, small states are often relegated to the periphery. They are characterised as ‘rule-takers’ rather than ‘rulemakers’, lacking the resources to be proactive on the global stage and perpetually defined by a power deficit. Consequently, small state foreign policy behaviour is presumed to be driven by an enduring sense of dependence, with such states consistently aligning their policies with those of major players. This article challenges such assertions, arguing they reflect an outdated understanding of small state behaviour and power. By examining the cases of Seychelles and Mauritius, two Small Island Developing States in the South-West Indian Ocean, this article demonstrates that they defy these traditional notions. Through a thematic analysis of official government speeches from 2017 to 2024 and drawing on Holsti’s conception of role theory, the article argues that these two islands are actively enacting the role of ‘pioneers’, directly contrasting with dependency-based foreign policy frameworks. Beyond expanding on the foreign policy of small states to include an ‘interdependent foreign policy’ (IFP) orientation, this article also shows that the role of ‘pioneer’ carries its own form of power, offering an alternative perspective on how small, oceanic states can assert influence in international relations.
The Protection, Preservation and Repatriation of Marine and Underwater Cultural Heritage: Lessons and Opportunities for Africa
Marine and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) is potentially an integral part of the cultural heritage of humanity. Protecting MUCH is, therefore, crucial for preserving and enriching one’s understanding of history and safeguarding knowledge for future generations. However, despite the existence of international legal frameworks, namely the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and UNESCO’s Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH), there remain several challenges surrounding the preservation and ownership of marine and underwater cultural heritage sites and artefacts. This article argues that issues related to the ownership and management of MUCH remain highly contested, particularly in the context of the evolving dynamics between European and African countries. It frames MUCH as a ‘frontier’ which manifests in three dimensions: a spatial frontier reflecting emerging disputes over marine resource management; a knowledge frontier highlighting the role of maritime archaeology and an ocean governance frontier influencing international legislation and economic activities. By critically evaluating the international legal regimes’ responses to MUCH, this article underscores the importance of African involvement in safeguarding its own underwater cultural heritage.
protection, preservation and repatriation
The Rights, Interests, and Strategic Approaches of Landlocked States in the Maritime Domain: The Case of Ethiopia
Literature pertaining to maritime security often focuses on the interests and concerns of coastal states, while those of landlocked states are either overlooked or treated as secondary. When scholars do consider the interests of landlocked states, the studies tend to explore their role primarily in the context of trade and conflict or disputes over sea access, while limited attention is paid to their broader maritime interests or the strategies employed to safeguard these interests. This article seeks to address this gap by providing a more comprehensive analysis of the rights and interests of landlocked states in maritime contexts and looks to Africa to draw examples. It begins with an exploration of the rights afforded to landlocked states under international law, particularly via the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The article then examines the various maritime interests of these states and posits several strategies that landlocked states employ to assert their rights and protect their interests. Finally, it utilises Ethiopia as an illustrative case to demonstrate how these strategies are put into practice.
Challenging Eurocentrism: An Afrocentric Appraisal of the Cape Sea Route
The Cape Sea Route is often presented in policy, academic and media discourses as an alternative to the preferred, but always troubled, Red/ Mediterranean Sea Route. Deeply rooted in the history of Europe-Asia/Africa relations, this Eurocentric perspective prioritises foreign interests above those of Africa along the route. It underestimated the strategic importance of the Cape as a primary route for the immediate locations (South Africa, Southern Africa and the continent) and their relations with some other parts of the world, thereby undermining Africa’s initiatives to maximise opportunities and address challenges along this and other complementary trade corridors. From an Afrocentric perspective, and with priority given to the immediate locations, this article examines the strategic importance, opportunities and challenges along the Cape Sea Route. It assesses the viability of this trade route for different parts of Africa and other continents and categorises them into primary and secondary users. The article argues that the prospect of intra-African trade is key to a reliable, consistent and sustainable Cape Sea Route strategy. Beyond trade, it is a promising African corridor for maritime investment and services, including ship-building, repairing, operations, insurance and related employment. To fully exploit such opportunities, however, the political, economic and security challenges along this and other African trade corridors must be addressed with improved institutional capacity for good governance, political stability, onshore and offshore law enforcement, socioeconomic transformation, human development, regional cooperation and global partnership.
The Latent Maritime Potential of BRICS+: A Time for Realignment
BRICS+[1] comprises Brazil, China, India, Russia, South Africa, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Ethiopia and Egypt. This grouping encompasses vast land and maritime areas rich in human and natural capital across Eurasia, East and South Asia, the Persian Gulf, Africa and the East coast of South America. Despite their geographical dispersion, BRICS+ members are interconnected by maritime routes traversing the South Atlantic, Indo-Pacific, Red Sea, the Southern Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. The link between maritime trade and the global economy, coupled with BRICS+'s declared focus on cooperation, development and trade, underscores the significance of also researching their maritime agendas. However, BRICS+ as a maritime entity remains underexplored, presenting a paradox of a proclaimed economic, trade and development agenda without attending to ocean agendas, maritime economics and maritime security settings. This gap was highlighted during the 2018 BRICS meeting in South Africa, but has since been largely overlooked. This disconnect presents a research opportunity to explore the maritime dimension, potential opportunities and future pathways for BRICS+, either as a block or dispersed maritime player. [1] In this chapter, BRIC refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, and BRICS refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa. BRICS+ refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and then the new members Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, with Saudi Arabia (membership pending) and the United Arab Emirates that joined in 2024. Argentina declined the invitation to join, but Indonesia joined in 2025.
Copyright (c) 2024 The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
BRICS Expansion and Implications for Africa
The expansion of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) has become a focal point in global discussions, particularly regarding its implications for Africa. This article critically examines the multifaceted dimensions of the BRICS expansion and its implications for Africa across economic, political, and strategic realms. Drawing upon a comprehensive review of scholarly literature and expert opinions, the economic implications of the BRICS expansion, including opportunities for growth, investment, and development, as well as challenges related to trade imbalances and debt sustainability, are analysed. The article explores how the BRICS engagement influences regional power dynamics, international alignments, and global governance structures. The role of BRICS in advocating multipolarity and institutional, global governance reform is highlighted, while tensions and complexities within the bloc are considered. By synthesising diverse perspectives, the article offers insights into navigating the complexities of BRICS-Africa relations and provides recommendations for policymakers and stakeholders to maximise the benefits of this evolving partnership while mitigating risks and vulnerabilities.
‘The Dead Will Arise’: A Review of These Potatoes Look Like Humans: The Contested Future of Land, Home and Death in South Africa
The book under review These Potatoes Look Like Humans: The Contested Future of Land, Home and Death in South Africa, by uMbuso weNkosi is grappling with the above-mentioned question in an indirect way. This is because while the author provides a graphic and honest description of the relationship between violence and agriculture in the context of white settler colonialism, he stops short of recommending a Fanonian solution to this problem of white settler colonialism in ‘South Africa’. Despite this ‘intellectual timidity’ of the ‘big’ author of this book under review, it is a well-written book. Readers who are interested in the debate about the land question in ‘South Africa’ will benefit from this book’s critique of the reduction of the land question to economics. The author competently extends the land question beyond the realm of political economy and embeds it within the domain of spirituality and belonging in terms of African culture and worldview/’world sense’.
China’s Enduring and Expanding Influence: The Quest for Centrality in Sub-Saharan Africa Political Economy
Beijing’s influence in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is enduring and expanding, even amid the present decrease in China’s loans to the region. Three interconnected elements contribute to Beijing’s escalating significance: 1) A strategic emphasis on centrality through connectivity integrates African nations into the Beijing sphere, solidifying its pivotal role in the regional production network, extending economic and geopolitical reach, and securing vital resources while building political support; 2) Establishing institutional arrangements that are largely accepted by many African governments enhances Beijing’s appeal as an attractive partner; 3) Power asymmetry positions China as a pervasive actor in the African political economy, wielding tools like debt, financial, and trade dependencies, once exclusive to Western powers (Lendzoumbou 2024). These mechanisms synergistically sustain China’s influence in SSA amid the current cascade of crises.
Theories of War and the African context: Whither strategic theory?
This article explores the state of strategic theory in relation to the African context. It argues that the dichotomy between war in the Global South and the Global North, combined with the shift towards critical security studies, has hobbled the development of robust strategic thinking relevant to war on the African continent. It combines a literature review of theories of war, that have sought to either explain the occurrence of war or how to fight and end it, with a scoping review of African strategic thinking to highlight this gap. It concludes with a call for greater African strategic thinking and propositions for what African strategy should entail.
State Fragility and the Drivers of Insurgency in Nigeria
What drives insurgency in fragile states? Is insurgency sustenance a function of ideology, economy, or something else? These and other questions have confronted scholars and government officials since the advent of insurgency activities in Nigeria’s Northeast region. These questions are germane as actions and inaction taken to eradicate insurgency and its disruptive actions have met with little success. Using primary and survey data, this article probes and contextualizes the factors that spawned insurgency activities in the region including its adaptive features. The purpose of the article is further to assess policy options that could help contain and eradicate insurgent activities in Nigeria.
African Migrations Research: an Annotated Bibliography
Analyses, Policy Notes, Interventions and Reports
Navigating national interests: Exploring the dynamics of Pakistan-South Africa bilateral relations
South Africa occupies a strategic geographic position at the southern tip of the African continent, serving as a potential trade and investment gateway for countries in the Americas, Europe, and Asia. It is a key partner for Pakistan’s Look Africa Policy. Pakistan and South Africa, bound by shared values and a focus on common interests since establishing diplomatic ties in 1994, have cultivated a long-standing partnership. However, a significant gap remains in the academic exploration of this relationship. This study delves into the politico-diplomatic, economic, and defence aspects of Pakistan-South Africa relations, employing the concept of national interest as outlined by Morgenthau and Neuchterlein. Employing a qualitative analysis, this study argues that high-level visits, the establishment of institutional mechanisms, and the formalisation of cooperation through Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) have significantly shaped the direction, facilitation, and governance of Pakistan-South Africa relations. This research highlights three key findings: despite frequent leadership-level exchanges and interactions between parliamentarians and policymakers, the relationship lacks the necessary vigour; while trade between Pakistan and South Africa has grown steadily, Pakistan experiences a trade deficit with its partner; and defence collaboration remains a significant aspect of their relationship. This article posits that the existing Pakistan-South Africa bilateral relationship holds the potential to blossom into a more formalised and enduring strategic partnership, contingent upon the implementation of well-defined and practical initiatives.
Copyright (c) 2023 The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
Building the „Russieafrique“: Russian influence operations changing the geopolitics in the Sahel
This article examines the tools which the Russian Federation, as a master of influencing operations and unconventional political warfare, currently utilises in West Africa to strengthen its political, economic, military, and diplomatic ties with Sahelian countries, thereby altering the geopolitical balance and pushing out the so-called West from its historical sphere of influence. The research focuses on the case of the Republic of Mali, where a few years of efficient implementation of these tools led to the withdrawal of the Western Bloc, and the re-emergence of the Russian Federation. The article not only explains what happened in Mali and the Sahel that caused the re-emergence of Russia and the ousting of the Western Bloc, but also focuses on the question of how exactly this happened, what means and instruments were utilised by Russia to make these events happen, and discusses possible implications of these events for the Western states. The research findings can be used to detect the indicators of the use of Russian instruments of influence to achieve its political goals in other parts of the Sahel and Africa, as well as in other environments like Ukraine or Europe.
Zimbabweans and the South African Economy
“They do not want us in their country, yet we contribute significantly,” shared a Zimbabwean woman in the Cape Town region of South Africa. The economic turmoil in Zimbabwe has led to decades of immigration to South Africa with no clear resolution to migration in sight. Despite legal challenges and xenophobic backlash, Zimbabweans believe their impact on South Africa has been substantial. The authors engaged 56 Zimbabweans with a 30-question questionnaire covering basic demographic information, employment-related inquiries, financial and income-related matters. These were distributed among respondents from various socio-economic sectors. The research findings provide insights into Zimbabwean spending patterns and overall perspectives on living and working in South Africa. With this research and the study of recent court rulings in South Africa, the authors argue that despite the xenophobic atmosphere, Zimbabwean immigrants are contributing to the South African economy and the social fabric. Moreover, as the situation in Zimbabwe continues to deteriorate, South Africa looks to be their long-term place of residence. How South African handles Zimbabwean immigrants in the future offers an opportunity to reset current immigration policies and support economic growth in the region.
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Demystifying the Season of Putsch in Africa's Sahel: Gaining Insight into Niger's Dynamics
In the past three years, the African continent has experienced a notable upswing in military coups, particularly in Nations like Niger, Burkina Faso, Sudan, Guinea, Chad, and Mali. The Greater Sahel Region has emerged as a global focal point of concern, grappling with issues of inadequate governance, extremism, and violence. Despite the efforts of regional bodies such as ECOWAS, military takeovers persist, posing challenges to democratic processes and heightening the threat of increased terrorism. Since 2020, Niger, a landlocked nation that was once a French colony, has faced its 13th coup attempt, contributing to increased instability in West and Central Africa. Despite robust regional opposition, the junta in Niger persists in power, highlighting the difficulties of overturning a coup. This situation carries geopolitical implications, risking U.S. security assistance to Niger and prompting neighbouring countries to strengthen ties with Russia post-coups. The Secretary of State cautions about potential consequences, underscoring the region’s reputation as the ‘coup capital of the world’. The July 2023 successful coup in Niger not only jeopardises the country’s progress under civilian leaders but also heightens the risks of insecurity, economic crises, and political instability. The Sahel, known as a hub of terrorism, faces increased concerns as Niger’s strategic importance in countering extremism diminishes due to the coup. This event jeopardises Niger’s standing as a democratic stronghold and a deterrent against jihad and Russian influence in the region, accentuating the broader challenge of stabilising the Sahel amid intricate socio-political and security issues. This article aims to illuminate the root causes and consequences of conflict and political instability in the region. Specifically, it seeks to address fundamental questions such as the factors leading to the current political instability and the repercussions of this conflict for Niger and the broader Sahel region. The answers to these questions offer insights into resolving the present challenge.
Since 1994 the South African government’s commitment to peace and security in Africa inexorably drew the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) into extensive involvement in multinational peacekeeping operations. These external operations clearly aligned the South African government with its articulated objectives concerning the pursuit of peace on the African continent and its (moral) intention and responsibility to act in a leading role on the continent. However, a dwindling defence budget and the burden of a high-tech force design increasingly impacted negatively on the SANDF to maintain and develop a sustainable capability geared for regional external operations. Yet, in the domestic context the government also increasingly expected the SANDF to render support to the SAPS as murder and death rates are comparable and, in some instances, even higher than death rates in high-intensity war zones in the international community. This simply means that the SANDF has the almost impossible task of balancing its demanding regional deployments with ongoing appeals by politicians and elements of the public for the SANDF to be of assistance in hotspots of high levels of criminality where the SAPS is unable to protect South Africans in accordance with the requirements of the Constitution. In the final analysis, the article concludes that there is a mismatch between what has been expected of the SANDF in the past three decades from its political masters on the one side, and its budget and related capabilities on the other.
Patriarchal politics, online violence and silenced voices: The decline of women in politics in Zimbabwe
In this year's elections in Zimbabwe, the number of women nominated and elected to national office decreased. This decline can be attributed to increased online harassment of women in politics, as well as financial obstacles and patriarchal attitudes. To reverse this trend, it is crucial for the government, political parties and civil society to address gender-based electoral violence effectively. Additionally, the government should genuinely implement gender quotas, focusing on empowering women in politics rather than using quota as a means to improve their international image, attract international donor funds and secure more women voters.
Civil Society Narratives of Violence and Shaping the Transitional Justice Agenda in Zimbabwe
Response comment to “Peace Enforcement in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Reflections on the Force Intervention Brigade”
‘New Dispensation, New Kids on the Block’. 'Ama 2000' and the 2023 Harmonised Elections in Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe's political landscape has undergone significant changes since the 2017 coup, with the post-coup period being christened the ‘New Dispensation’. The advent of the ‘New Dispensation’, characterised with promises of a new and revolving democracy, coincided with the coming of voting age of ‘Ama 2000’. The paper investigated the electoral participation of ‘Ama 2000’ in Zimbabwe’s 2023 elections. A theoretical framework that looked at factors that influence youth political participation was developed and used in explaining the electoral participation or their lack thereof. 115 focus group respondents between the ages of 18 to 23 were selected in Zimbabwe’s cities of Harare and Bulawayo, wherein conversations on the motivations and barriers on youth political engagement were facilitated. Whilst ‘Ama 2000’ demonstrated political knowledge and interest, they are generally apathetic, with a few participating in voting whilst most did not associate with the other forms of electoral participation. Disillusionment with both politicians and political parties, politically motivated violence, and life cycle factors were the major reasons for their lack of interest in the country’s 2023 elections. Arguably, there is no democratic and plural ‘New Dispensation’ after all, as these same factors have deterred older youth from participating in elections under the authoritarian Mugabe regime. However, the limited participation of ‘Ama 2000’ in voting demonstrates commitment to democratic principles and a desire to shape the country's future. To address the youth apathy gap, political parties must actively engage with them, reform and promote inclusivity. At state level, structural reforms of an electoral nature are necessary to protect the security of the voter. Civil society has a role to play in strengthening civic education programs that instill a sense of civic duty and active participation in democracy. By involving youth in the democratic process, Zimbabwe can build a foundation for inclusive political participation.
Community Acceptance of Chinese Mining Investment in Rural Zimbabwe: The Situation of Hwange District
An empirical investigation on the acceptance of Chinese mining activities in rural Zimbabwe was done for this article. Its two main goals were to: (1) assess public opinion of Chinese mining operations; and (2) present a workable investment model that takes into account the main locals' complaints. Additionally, it touched on two related issues of concern: (i) what causes host community disputes with foreign mining companies in rural Zimbabwe, and (ii) what investment model may be used to settle host community disputes between investors and host communities?. It then assessed Chinese mining investments against the 3Ps of the Triple Bottom Line theory (TBL). Created by John Elkington in 1994, TBL recommends a balance between people, profitability and the planet (environmental conservation) in business operations. Based on the study's somewhat negative findings, the article created the PESE investment model (short-cut for people, environment, social and economy) which it is presenting as an ideal framework that may have broader application for sustainable investment in Zimbabwe's mining industry.
The Delusion of Apartheid and the African national congress: Sizwe’s mythmaking and South African Politics
The book under review entitled The New Apartheid by Sizwe Mpofu-Walsh is another contribution to the debate and critique of the so-called post-Apartheid dispensation. The ANC-led post-1994 non-racial constitutional dispensation is evidently falling apart. The African majority faces the frustration of not being able to reconcile the idealistic liberal rights embedded in the final constitution and their daily existence of squalor, misery, and survival due to terrifying socio-economic conditions. In this book Mpofu-Walsh to account for the dehumanising circumstances of the African majority argues that Apartheid did not die but was merely privatised. The book foregrounds the role of Neoliberalism in the worsening socio-economic conditions of the African majority.
Why Burundi intervenes in the DRC: Self-interest or Pan-Africanist considerations?
Questions have abounded as to what Burundi’s motives and interests have been in sending troops, and spearheading the intervention in the eastern DRC. With reference to the case of Burundi’s intervention within the East African Community’s (EAC) response to the growing conflict in the eastern DRC, this article considers a broad range of what Burundi’s motives and interests might be. This includes security and stability, both nationally and regionally, regional political dynamics and the position of Burundi within this, and trade and business opportunities. This article discusses that in terms of intervention, while the realist perspective can help us to understand Burundi’s intervention in DRC to a large extent, an additional layer of complexity is the multifaceted relationships that African neighbouring states have with one another, and to the continent as a whole. Manifestations of this can be seen in the emphasis by the African Union and individual African states on ‘African Solutions to African Problems’, the principle of subsidiarity, and the Responsibility to Protect. These considerations not only place people at the centre of intervention as opposed to placing the state at the centre, but they also speak to issues of African agency, African resistance to external ‘interference’, Pan-Africanist interests and the decolonial concern of addressing the ongoing colonial legacy.